Accidents occur all over the place, however not all accidents are equal. Many hours after preliminary information broke about an “incident” involving a helicopter carrying Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, the nation’s state media has nonetheless not confirmed whether or not he’s lifeless or alive. Varied state retailers have printed contradictory information—Was Raisi seen on video hyperlink after the accident? Was he not? Was the Nationwide Safety Council assembly? Was it not?—signaling chaos and panic. A supply in Tehran near the presidency informed me that Raisi has been confirmed lifeless, and that the authorities are searching for a strategy to report the information with out inflicting mayhem. I’ve not been capable of independently affirm this.
Iran doesn’t sound like a rustic during which presidents die by chance. Nevertheless it additionally is a rustic during which plane crash, because of the sorry state of infrastructure within the internationally remoted Islamic Republic. In earlier years, at the very least two cupboard ministers and two main army commanders have died in comparable crashes. Raisi’s chopper, which additionally carried Iran’s overseas minister and two high regional officers, was passing via an infamously foggy and mountainous space in northwestern Iran. The “incident” would possibly very effectively have been an accident.
But suspicions will inevitably encompass the crash. In any case, air incidents that killed excessive political officers in Northern Rhodesia (1961), China (1971), Pakistan (1988), and Poland (2010) are nonetheless typically topic to hypothesis. On this case, a lot as within the others, one query will possible drive the hypothesis: Who stands to learn politically from Raisi’s demise? Even when the reply to this query doesn’t finally inform us why the helicopter crashed, it might shed some mild on what is going to come subsequent within the Islamic Republic.
Raisi ascended to the presidency in 2021, in what seemed to be the least aggressive election Iran had held since 1997. Supreme Chief Ayatollah Ali Khamenei had made positive that each one different severe candidates have been barred from working. Amongst these disqualified weren’t solely reformists but additionally centrist conservatives and even Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a former hard-line president whom Khamenei got here to see as a rival.
Raisi appeared to have been picked exactly as a result of he might by no means be a severe rival to Khamenei. In 2017, he revealed himself to be totally uncharismatic in electoral debates towards then-President Hassan Rouhani. His time in workplace since 2021 additionally speaks not solely to his sheer incompetence but additionally to his political irrelevance. Some name him the Invisible President. Throughout the Girls, Life, Freedom motion, which rocked Iran from 2022 to 2023, few protesters bothered to shout slogans towards Raisi, as a result of they knew that actual energy rested elsewhere.
For Khamenei, what mattered was that Raisi might be counted on to toe the regime’s line. Though competitors is tight, Raisi could have extra blood on his arms than some other residing official of the Islamic Republic. Because the Eighties, the Islamic Republic has executed 1000’s of Iranian dissidents. The judiciary is the arm of the federal government that carries out this murderous operate, and Raisi has held main positions inside it from the very begin; he rose to develop into the pinnacle of the judiciary in 2019.
The identical qualities that possible made Raisi look like a secure regime selection for the presidency additionally made him a major contender for succeeding Khamenei because the Supreme Chief. In line with the Iranian structure, solely a cleric with severe political expertise can develop into head of state. By now, many clerics who match that description have died or been politically marginalized (a lot of them didn’t share Khamenei’s hard-line politics), leaving the sphere open to Raisi. In flip, many political observers anticipated that Raisi could be a weak supreme chief, permitting actual energy to move elsewhere—to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), for instance, or to different energy facilities round or ancillary to the regime. Who higher for such a place than an unimpressive yes-man?
Raisi belongs to a really explicit precinct of Iran’s political elite, and prior to now few years, others within the political class had come to fret concerning the ambition of the circles surrounding him. A local of the holy metropolis of Mashhad, in northeastern Iran, Raisi beforehand held the custodianship of the holy shrine within the metropolis, which can be an financial empire in its personal proper. He’s married to the daughter of Mashhad’s Friday-prayer chief, an arch social-conservative. Raisi’s spouse, Jamileh Alamolhoda, has performed an unusually public function, main some conservatives from exterior the couple’s regional cadre to fret that after Khamenei’s eventual demise, a “Mashhad clique” would possibly come to the highest of the regime.
Raisi’s obvious passivity has additionally emboldened challengers amongst a band of notably noxious hard-liners, who noticed his weak presidency as a chance to lift their political profiles on the expense of extra established conservatives, such because the parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf. A few of these extremely hard-liners did effectively within the parliamentary election earlier this yr, which was largely a contest throughout the hard-line camp. They ran a heated marketing campaign towards Qalibaf, who commanded the assist of the principle pro-regime conservative political events and many shops of the IRGC.
For all of those causes, Raisi’s demise would alter the stability of energy amongst factions throughout the Islamic Republic. In line with the Iranian structure, his vice-president, Mohammad Mokhber, would assume the duties of the presidency, and a council consisting of Mokhber, Qalibaf, and the judiciary chief Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Eje’i must set up new elections inside 50 days.
After I requested an official near Qalibaf concerning the political aftermath of the crash, he answered instantly, “Dr. Qalibaf would be the new president.”
He absolutely want to be. Qalibaf’s ambition is information to nobody; he has run for president a number of occasions, beginning in 2005. Extra technocrat than ideologue, Qalibaf was a commander within the IRGC throughout the Iran-Iraq Battle and can possible command at the very least some assist from inside its ranks. His lengthy tenure as mayor of Tehran (2005-2017) was marked by each a level of competence and fairly a little bit of corruption. His political enemies have just lately highlighted circumstances of corruption linked to him and his household. An official near former president Rouhani tells me, “Qalibaf’s drawback is that he needs it an excessive amount of. Everybody is aware of he has zero ideas and can do something for energy.”
If Qalibaf registers to run in a unexpectedly organized presidential election, the Guardian Council may need a tough time rejecting him, given his deep hyperlinks to energy constructions in Iran. However would Khamenei be pleased with the presidency passing to a technocrat with out correct Islamist credentials? Who else could be allowed to run, and will they defeat Qalibaf on the polls, as Ahmadinejad and Rouhani did respectively in 2005 and 2013?
What twists the plot is the truth that some regime officers and former officers who’re supportive of Qalibaf additionally advocate for Khamenei’s son Mojtaba to succeed his father because the supreme chief. Mojtaba Khamenei has lengthy been within the shadows, and little is understood concerning the 54-year-old’s politics or views, however he’s extensively held to be a severe contender for the workplace. Might there be a discount between Mojtaba and Qalibaf that paves a path to energy for each of them?
When the Islamic Republic’s founding chief, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, died, in 1989, Khamenei changed him after making an unwritten pact with fellow cleric Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who then assumed the presidency. The structure was swiftly modified to provide extra powers to the president. Rafsanjani would come to remorse the pact, as he was politically sidelined by Khamenei earlier than dying what many in Iran take into account a suspicious demise, in 2017. Might this cautionary story make each side cautious?
Many have anticipated a ferocious energy wrestle in Iran, however most anticipated it to observe Khamenei’s demise. Now we’re prone to see at the very least a gown rehearsal during which varied factions will brandish their energy. As for the individuals of Iran, some have already began celebrating Raisi’s potential demise with fireworks in Tehran. Most Iranians barely really feel represented by any faction of the Islamic Republic, and a few would possibly use a second of political disaster to reignite the road protests which have repeatedly beleaguered the regime prior to now. The nation’s civic actions are exhausted following years of wrestle (greater than 500 individuals have been killed in the newest spherical of protests, from 2022 to 2023). Nonetheless, no matter form the facility wrestle takes on the high, the individuals of Iran gained’t obtain it passively for lengthy.
